Charles Rann
Kennedy, born in 1808, was another
prize-winning Kennedy Scholar, a Senior Classic. He was described as a genius of the
Classics, as was William Rann Kennedy
his nephew. He carried out literary
collaborations with his father Rann Kennedy towards the end of his life and
produced a well-respected translation of the ‘The Olynthiacs And Phillippics of
Demosthenes’. He wrote a great deal of
poetry, only a little of which has
survived (you can read some of it here). He lived in rural
Hertfordshire and was a barrister in the Home Circuit (covering the area around
London) and practised for many years,
but he was spurned by his colleagues in the ‘Mess’ and was never accorded
the rank of QC. The reason was simple –
he saw bureaucracy, corruption and self-service all around him, and instead of
turning a blind eye he loudly criticised it.
He wrote a satirical poem entitled ‘The Reference’ in which every
official in the court was portrayed as either self-seeking or a complete
lackey. The poem was thinly disguised as
portraying a court case of the 18th century but Kennedy’s colleagues
in the Mess would not have been fooled.
What he saw in the
legal system he also saw throughout the rigid class system of Victoria’s
time. Each caste protected itself from
infiltration by lower orders. The "low-born" man or woman was prevented by his caste from achieving social
acceptability. Small wonder that the
English took to India so joyfully.
Middle class tradespeople were looked down upon by the nobility who
bought their goods, often without
bothering to settle their debts, and letting them go out of business. After starting out as a Tory like his
father, he took the high road to
liberalism. This can be be seen in a
volume of poetry and translations that he published in the early 1850s. The last few poems are deeply satirical in
tone, and sympathise with the worker
(‘The Wednesbury Miner’) or liberalising establishment figures such as Robert
Peel and the Judge Lord Denman who had defended Queen Caroline and even the
Luddites.
Charles was no
socialist. He strongly criticised the
Chartist leaders in his poem ‘The Chartists’ for stirring up unreasonable
expectations and fomenting social conflict, but in his poem he made a point of
sympathising with the downtrodden masses who took part in the movement. What is more illuminating is the translations
of European poets that he included in the volume. The majority of the translated authors are
famous European radicals of the day who had combined romanticism
with active rebellion against the old regimes of their respective
countries. These included Lamartine, Schiller, Uhland.
He believed that all
people should have equality of opportunity and no person, man or woman, should
be held back in life by their social background or their gender. This is an uncontroversial view today but in
that era it was dynamite. He had a
strong sense of his personal and professional honour - and a terrible Kennedy
temper.
Mid-Victorian society
had grown into a grotesque combination of the antique and the
ultra-modern. The political system of
the time was barely reformed from the mid 1700s with endemic bribery, corruption and naked self-interest on the
part of the rich who owned the system.
The books of Trollope, especially
his “The Way We Live Now” describe plainly the cynical attitude of the
participants and their antics (though Trollope was essentially a supporter of the system he
pilloried). At that time there seemed no
likelihood of any change. Nepotism and
corruption was spread throughout the main arenas of public life – the leaders
of the British Army - where commissions were bought and sold and regiments
selected for younger sons of rich families according to their social cachet -
were so utterly inept that their conduct of The Crimean War was publically
condemned in a Royal Commission. Those
who had actually made Britain commercially “Great” in the nineteenth century,
the class of Industrialists and Shopkeepers, and especially the working classes
who toiled in the factories, were generally excluded from promotion to the
heights of these occupations on the basis of their base social origins or else
Dissenter leanings. The preposterous
tripe about ‘the honour of an English Gentlemen’ was in reality a veil to
restrict social mobility and cover up at best incompetence and at worst
corruption and nepotism.
The society had a
rigid structure to it, with each layer
of society lording it over those they saw as below them. There was a phrase “counter-jumping” which
derisively described someone who had been a shopkeeper or tradesman who was
attempting to socialise with his betters.
The upper classes celebrated their wealth by holding gross dinners with
vast amounts of food on display. These
dinners often saw the men dressed in gaudy uniforms and feathered hats that
appeared to be of genuine military origin but were often little more than
ceremonial fancy dress. This aspect of
British society was roundly satirised and condemned in William Makepiece
Thackeray’s ‘The Snobs’.
The legal system of
the time was much like the rest of British society, and like it had been since the Middle Ages –
a closed shop for the benefit of law practitioners, in which the ordinary
citizen suffered years of prevaricating and rarely received anything that could
be described as ‘justice’. Those
practitioners were generally in their position by virtue of their wealthy
background which gave them the required connections. For an intelligent and principled man it was
constant torment. He yearned for change
– for example a formal University course of solicitors and barristers instead
of qualification based on apprenticeship to an established Practice and the
eating of the requisite number of Legal Dinners. Charles was of a generation of University
educated men who had excelled in the classics at University and had been glorified
by their peers. These men often felt ill
at ease with what they called the ‘Phenomenal’ world. They naturally took the part of the liberal
progressive tendency in British society,
nurturing their old University friendships and maintaining their love of
academia and their fellows. For men like this the shallow and degrading world
outside was often too much. Some went
insane. Others teetered on the brink but
were helped by their closest former college friends.
By the time of his
forties, Charles tired of trying to practise law whilst being impeded by his fellows of the Home Circuit in London. His situation had not been helped by a long illness. He moved back to Birmingham, where his father had taught and preached all
of his adult life and was now an old man. At this time he even seriously considered the position of master at Lichfield Grammar School.
He accepted a professorship in Law at Queens College, what was to become Birmingham University – the existence of which was a revolution in itself. Up to that time, to rise in the ranks of barristers one attended a certain number of dinners. To introduce qualifications for lawyers was to point to the lack of them in the senior members of the profession, which was not calculated to fill the profession with enthusiasm. He moved to St Paul’s Square, an elegant Georgian square surrounding the eighteenth century church that his father Rann had presided over for so many years. He began to practise in the Birmingham area. The reactions of the rest of the Birmingham barristers to him were as negative as their London colleagues. They ostracised him. Why this should be is a mystery on the face of it. Some people do not fit easily into society, being too serious perhaps for frivolous dinners and parties. It seems also that his wife was mentally unwell, or perhaps had a drink problem. The Midland Circuit cited a bureaucratic precedent, that he had peviously been at another Circuit which was not permitted.
A pamphlet published after Charles' death shed light on this ostracisation. Charles was heavily involved in the setting up of a course of legal studies at what would later become the University of Birmingham. He believed that the law was too important to leave to informal methods of study as it was back then. The work he was doing in this regard led him to be closely involved with solicitor's organisations. The course did not exclude solicitors which ruffled many barrister feathers. Since the late 1700s barristers and solicitors had been divided with the latter involved in the heavy unglamourous side and the barristers getting to practise in court - and getting much better paid. Charles' fellow barristers seem to have viewed this fraternisation with solicitors in a very dim light, perhaps concerned that he wanted to open competition to solicitors. Thus they would not allow him to join the Midland Circuit - the Midlands lawyers professional organisation.
He accepted a professorship in Law at Queens College, what was to become Birmingham University – the existence of which was a revolution in itself. Up to that time, to rise in the ranks of barristers one attended a certain number of dinners. To introduce qualifications for lawyers was to point to the lack of them in the senior members of the profession, which was not calculated to fill the profession with enthusiasm. He moved to St Paul’s Square, an elegant Georgian square surrounding the eighteenth century church that his father Rann had presided over for so many years. He began to practise in the Birmingham area. The reactions of the rest of the Birmingham barristers to him were as negative as their London colleagues. They ostracised him. Why this should be is a mystery on the face of it. Some people do not fit easily into society, being too serious perhaps for frivolous dinners and parties. It seems also that his wife was mentally unwell, or perhaps had a drink problem. The Midland Circuit cited a bureaucratic precedent, that he had peviously been at another Circuit which was not permitted.
A pamphlet published after Charles' death shed light on this ostracisation. Charles was heavily involved in the setting up of a course of legal studies at what would later become the University of Birmingham. He believed that the law was too important to leave to informal methods of study as it was back then. The work he was doing in this regard led him to be closely involved with solicitor's organisations. The course did not exclude solicitors which ruffled many barrister feathers. Since the late 1700s barristers and solicitors had been divided with the latter involved in the heavy unglamourous side and the barristers getting to practise in court - and getting much better paid. Charles' fellow barristers seem to have viewed this fraternisation with solicitors in a very dim light, perhaps concerned that he wanted to open competition to solicitors. Thus they would not allow him to join the Midland Circuit - the Midlands lawyers professional organisation.
The volume of works
that he published in the 1850s also contained a selection of translations on
the theme of romantic love – in particular that of two people who cannot be
together – for example Petrarch’s Sonnet To Laura, a poem concerning a women the author loved
but could never marry. Another example of this theme from the book is the
lengthy ‘Semele’ by Schiller, which concerns an illicit relationship between
the eponymous heroine and the God Jupiter.
The story ends with Jupiter’s wife Juno taking her revenge on the
heroine by killing her.
At about this time
when he was in his late forties he became acquainted with a widow named
Patience Swinfen who was about six years younger. Patience,
who had met her husband whilst a serving maid in a London boarding
house, had inherited the family seat of her husband Henry. In a cruel twist of fate, her husband had
died slightly earlier than his father Samuel.
Samuel had provided in his will that his son would inherit the Hall
after his death, but the will had not catered for Patience in the event of
Henry dying first. Samuel thought very
little of his son Henry but he had a great deal of time for Patience, who had looked after him and had managed the
Hall back to prosperity. The Swinfen men were best known for their lavish
spending and poor housekeeping. Henry had been no exception to the family
rule. Shortly before he died, Samuel had been persuaded to make a new will
by his brother Charles and the family doctor.
What was at the root of all the subsequent conflict, was that the mental
state of the old man was questionable at the time. At the time of Samuel’s
death, his next of kin was his idiot brother John who lived in an asylum and
therefore was not able to contest the will. Patience was able to reside at the
Hall in peace. However the next in line
was Samuel’s nephew, one Captain Swinfen of the Cavalry, a dashing soldier with a very overbearing and
exremely ambitious mother, Marianne Swinfen.
They had visited the Hall shortly before the death of the old man and
were convinced, perhaps with good
reason, that Patience had got Samuel to sign a new will when he was not fit to
do so. They already had the other
Swinfen seat and were determined to have both.
As soon as John
died, the will was contested by Captain
Swinfen. The case was heard at Stafford
Assize Court. The barrister for Patience Swinfen was Frederick Thesiger, a distinguished and well-connected QC who was
rising fast in the legal world of the time – exactly the kind of legal figure
that Charles Rann Kennedy most detested.
He had another case the following week and was in no mood for the
Swinfen case to drag on. During the
first day in court, he conferred in open court with the Judge Mr Justice
Cresswell which was contrary to proper legal practice. During the weekend that followed Thesiger
proposed to Patience’s solicitor that a compromise be struck whereby Patience received
a large sum and the Captain received the Hall.
The solicitor, a Mr. Simpson, a
prominent figure in Lichfield as he was the Town Clerk, knew that his client
would never settle for the deal. He told
Thesiger this. The trial continued on
the following Monday on which Thesiger informed the judge that a compromise had
been arrived at – even though Patience had told him she would not accept the
deal. Patience was furious that her
wishes had been overridden in this way.
Charles Rann Kennedy
saw Patience’s plight as embodying everything that he detested in the legal
system, and he saw Thesiger as the
embodiment of the kind of lawyer he most objected to. He offered to represent her for free and he
would only claim a fee if she won and was able to pay him. Patience was immediately won over by her
dashing new friend and his passionate advocacy of her rights. He wrote poetry dedicated to her (‘To
Patience Swinfen’, included in the
volume mentioned earlier) and prepared her case. Charles was very well acquainted with Thesiger and Cresswell, both of them were senior Masters of The Bench in the Inner Temple in 1837 at the time when he was called to the Bar.
The Captain arrived on
the appointed day on which he was to take possession of the Hall. However neither the servants nor Patience
would answer the door. When he retreated
she fired a blank pistol charge over his head,
signifying that she would fight for the Hall. The Captain,
to his credit, took this calmly
enough. He bowed gracefully to her in
return, as a true Cavalier.
The first part of the
court case was a ‘rule nisi’ in the Court of Chancery served by the Captain
over Patience not vacating the Hall as decided in the first court case. Kennedy strongly stated the facts of the case
– that Thesiger had gone against the wishes of his client and that the first
case was not concluded correctly. The
judge discharged the ‘rule nisi’ and the trial was set to run again at Stafford
Assizes. However there was much disquiet
at the strong words that Kennedy aimed at Thesiger and Judge Cresswell. Thesiger by this time was Lord Chelmsford –
and he was now Lord Chancellor.
Kennedy’s conduct
during the trial caused a sensation.
Thesiger and Cresswell were both described in the most damning
terms. Patience conducted herself with
tremendous dignity however and the outcome was in her favour - she could keep
the Hall.
When they returned to
Lichfield, Patience found herself the
heroine of the old City. The church bells
were rung as if a great victory had been won,
as indeed it had. Kennedy was by
this time extremely close to Patience.
They spent much time together and indeed it seems that they had even
become lovers. Howard Clayton implies as
much in his classic work on the case ‘The Swinfen Case’. This was scandalous enough considering that
he had represented her professionally.
Moreover he was already married with six children. It seems that his
wife had a history of mental instability and alcohol abuse but in those days
there was no way of getting a divorce.
During this period the
Lichfield townsfolk were still flushed with joy over her victory and nobody was
pointing to any impropriety on the part of Patience and her barrister knight in
shining armour. Kennedy though was
determined to ram home his point and sought another trial at which he would
bring Lord Chelmsford to justice for his behaviour in the first trial. This demonstrates Kennedy’s state of mind at
the time. He was showing all the signs
of having been cheated out of a career by the legal establishment and he was
intent on taking furious revenge upon it and its head. He clearly did not care what the
establishment or Society thought of him at all. His awesome temper had simply
taken over.
When the third trial
got underway Kennedy used all of the facts unearthed in the first two trials
but went quite overboard with his fury against the pair of Lord Chelmsford and
Mr Justice Cresswell. He accused them of
all manner of perfidy and malpractice, not
stinting in his use of hyperbole. As was
pointed out in the press afterwards, if
he had restricted himself to the specific incidents in question – the improper
deal and the conferring between advocate and judge in open court – he might
have succeeded. As it was he was
virtually putting the System on trial.
Of course there is no accident in that.
Kennedy had a point to prove against the System. As it was he failed to convince the jury and
lost the case, despite Patience’s dignified performance.
Patience lost a lot of
money in costs as a result of the case,
but Kennedy had lost his great battle and was now seen by the
establishment and English Society as utterly ‘beyond the pale’.
Matters had taken a
turn for the worse in their affair.
There was no longer an urgency to the mutual declarations of love in
their letters. It was at this time that
Charles asked for Patience to go to London with him to discuss an important
matter. He then revealed that he wanted
her to sign a deed which, if invoked, would hand the Hall to him and his
children if she died first, which she
did, though apparently with reservations.
He apparently said to her that he needed the deed in order to secure
loans as a result of financial problems he was suffering due to loss of
business during the Swinfen trials. Some
time later she decided that she had better end the affair. She accepted an
offer of marriage from a Scottish landowner named Broun, who was a friend of a friend she had met
whilst on holiday north of the border.
Kennedy received the
news by letter whilst on a boat to France.
As might be expected he was utterly incandescent with fury at what he
saw as outright betrayal by the woman he loved.
Upon his return to England he plastered libellous posters defaming
Patience all around Lichfield. He then
demanded £20,000 payment for his legal services from her. She resisted at first, then, in the face of his threats of legal
action, offered him £10,000 if he would
relinquish the deed she had signed and let matters rest. He refused and was on the point of publishing
a pamphlet condemning her as the ‘Serpent of Swinfen’ Hall before friends
dissuaded him.
The fourth Swinfen
trial must have brought no pleasure to anyone except Captain Swinfen, his mother and Lord Chelmsford. Kennedy’s plan of attack was to reveal all
the intimacies of their relationship in order to prove that she was morally
defective and untrustworthy. He read out
his and her private letters and poems he had written. In the atmosphere of artificial social
rectitude that reigned during the mid Victorian era, this shocking behaviour scandalised the
public. He actually won the case to much
amazement in the country at large. However he was roundly condemned by the
Press who wanted him thrown out by the Bar.
However the legal authorities pointed out that this could not be
done. Nonetheless, as a result of the
damage he had wrought on his own reputation, he was never hired as a barrister
by any client ever again.
The case was appealed
by Patience and her husband at the High Court and this time Charles lost on the
point of law that a barrister cannot sue his client.
He continued to
practice in Birmingham in local criminal and civil cases. A while afterwards, his family suffered the
tragedy of his wife’s death at their home – from falling downstairs. It was at this point that the stories of her
drink and mental problems emerged. It was not long then before his own death,
from tongue cancer, a few years later.
His death was noted
with some sadness in the press obituaries, that a man of such genius should
fall so far from grace. It was said that
he was temperamentally unsuited to the Bar.
This may be so – his temper was evidently extreme. He wrote during the period of the third trial
of wanting to ‘exterminate’ Lord Chelmsford. However he was genuinely against
snobbery, injustice, corruption and lack of propriety in his profession and
took this struggle to the bitter end. It
seems that his feelings carried him over the precipice of emotional sanity when
he found that the true soulmate whom he believed he had found actually was not
prepared to show him commitment in return.
She of course could never have married him, so what that commitment would have meant in
practice is moot.
Recent researches by my cousin Will have revealed that Charles had an illegitimate son William, born in Birmingham in 1837. He married in 1857 and his wife bore a son a couple of years after, christened Bernard Swynfen Ward Kennedy, no doubt in honour of his grandfather's involvement in the case - before it went sour.
My favourite poem of his is 'Courage', which for me sums the man up in his best moments.
"Praise to each heart, that honest courage warms:
Praise to the soldier disciplin'd in arms,
Who firm and fearless on the battle-day
One duty knows, his leader to obey,
Hears but the word that him to victory calls,
And in the moment of his glory falls.
Yea, not unblest is he. Yet happier those,
Who make no war but with their country's foes,
Ne'er draw the sword but in a rightful cause,
For their own hearth and home, their faith, their laws.
And happier still is he, who ne'er put on
The soldier's garb, no laurel ever won;
But bears a heart of purpose firm and high,
To fight the great life-battle manfully,
Himself, his pride and passions to subdue,
The path of right unswerving to pursue,
Despising pleasure, wealth, and world-reknown,
Earning his heavenly meed, a bright immortal crown."
Recent researches by my cousin Will have revealed that Charles had an illegitimate son William, born in Birmingham in 1837. He married in 1857 and his wife bore a son a couple of years after, christened Bernard Swynfen Ward Kennedy, no doubt in honour of his grandfather's involvement in the case - before it went sour.
My favourite poem of his is 'Courage', which for me sums the man up in his best moments.
"Praise to each heart, that honest courage warms:
Praise to the soldier disciplin'd in arms,
Who firm and fearless on the battle-day
One duty knows, his leader to obey,
Hears but the word that him to victory calls,
And in the moment of his glory falls.
Yea, not unblest is he. Yet happier those,
Who make no war but with their country's foes,
Ne'er draw the sword but in a rightful cause,
For their own hearth and home, their faith, their laws.
And happier still is he, who ne'er put on
The soldier's garb, no laurel ever won;
But bears a heart of purpose firm and high,
To fight the great life-battle manfully,
Himself, his pride and passions to subdue,
The path of right unswerving to pursue,
Despising pleasure, wealth, and world-reknown,
Earning his heavenly meed, a bright immortal crown."
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